The world has been witnessing how popular political spinning has become in the most powerful countries. Whether it be for the purpose of going to war for cryptic reasons or for justifying their hypocritical economic sanctions imposed on Myanmar when the objective all along has been to install a politician with profound western connections into power. This may, in fact, be part of a larger design to dominate the region and counter balance the major Asian powers in the future. Some analysts are also pointing out that what we are now seeing is a trend of domination by first demonizing and then destabilizing the country by negative economic and diplomatic measures.

Whatever the veiled threats or so-called noble wishes for developing countries that these powers may be spinning with, the sudden but well-concerted appearance of manufactured piece of news relating to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s hunger strike is another glaring example of spin doctors at work once again — attempting to overshadow the resumption of a political process that they have attempted to derail a few years ago.

The Myanmar Ministry of Foreign Affairs has already expressed this suspicion in its statement dismissing the U.S assertion — which may in fact, have been completely fabricated for political purposes. The truth of the matter being that the lady in question is physically well and living in the conditions that the International Committee of Red Cross (ICRC) described a month ago as "highly satisfactory". As a prominent western supported politician as well as being the daughter of General Aung San, the government could not simply afford to let her roam around without security details in case any adverse incident, like the one on May 30th, will be blamed on it, like the way it has happened now. It should be borne in mind that even in the most powerful democratic country such as the United States of America secret service security is mandatory for all presidential candidates.

Although some media experts were themselves expressing skepticism such as a reporter on the BBC radio, the British officials, the newspapers and activists have all dutifully joined in to echo the U.S. government.

But whatever remaining unreported is perhaps as significant. For instance, when the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) Minister telephoned the Ambassador at the Myanmar Embassy to express his concern, he was not only assured by the Ambassador that the rumor spinned off from across the Atlantic was not only untrue but if what the western powers truly want was national reconciliation in Myanmar, they should encourage the politicians under their influence to strive toward participation in the National Convention process which General Khin Nyunt, the Prime Minister, has clearly spelled out as the first three steps of his "road map to democracy" .

It was also pointed out equally clearly by the Prime Minister why the adjournment of the Convention had to take place in 1996 when Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, fresh from her release from "restriction orders" — withdrew the National League for Democracy (NLD) delegates who were already involved deeply in the drafting of the early chapters of the new constitution.

After years of exploring other possible avenues it has become imperative that the constitutional process must be put back on track since there has been more than enough delay up to this point.

Since then, a lot of water has already flowed under the scores of bridges built by the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) government across the massive rivers as well as out of the huge dams to irrigate additional millions of acres for cultivation increasing the agricultural output. Furthermore, thousands of formerly belligerent armed guerillas from all nationalities have returned peacefully to rejoin the rehabilitation process and the political progress that the new-found-peace has engendered.

If one looks back to the recent past, it is most regrettable to see that, the politicians have already missed several opportunities to play crucial roles in getting the country back on the road to democracy.

At this point, it should not be ignored that Dr. Maung Maung, during his short presidency amidst the chaotic events of August - September 1988 did try to install a multiparty political system and even went beyond what was permitted under the Constitution of that period. But he was roundly rejected by the political forces that were in effect precursors of the present day political parties, especially the NLD. A great opportunity was missed and the anarchic events that followed caused the military to take over and save the country from almost total destruction.

After it took over state power, the Government of the State Law and Order Restoration Council continued the attempted transition by allowing political parties to officially register and held the first major democratic exercise in 26 years in the form of the 1990 elections. It was for the formation of a single constituent assembly and obviously not for transfer of power. In that significant event, the Government acted as a referee and did not participate in
the elections although erroneously assumed by many that it supported the former BSPP. This once again led to a situation where those politicians who rejected the constitutional change of 1988 continued with their demands to take the constitution process in their own hands and for immediate transfer of state power, again letting another great opportunity to pass by. The tensions that ensued in fact seem to be the reasons that created the requirements for what has now become the more publicized second phase of the reconciliation between the Government and the political parties that the Western World is demanding to be speeded up and piling up one form of pressure after another on Myanmar
depriving many ordinary people of their livelihood.

Be that as it may, those who argue in favour of a slow and steady transition would say that the chaotic consequences that might follow premature political liberalization will have to be borne by the people who live within the boundaries of Myanmar and perhaps to a degree by her immediate neighbours but certainly not by those political pundits from afar in the safe havens of stable developed countries. For them, it should be little problem to shrug off another political miscalculation as if it were another academic exercise, like they did when it was Vietnam or Cambodia in the early nineteen seventies, especially those politicians from powerful countries who were justifying their actions based on the " domino theory" and so on with such a great price to pay.

But the people of Myanmar have shown their resilience before and are likely to do so again, given the fact they are surrounded by understanding and supportive great neighbours and Myanmar is endowed with abundant natural resources. They must now make the transition with whoever willing to cooperate with them inside and outside of the country.

What the Myanmar politicians, regardless of their foreign affiliations, must now realize is that the National Convention may be the last great opportunity they may have in a long time to come — an opportunity that they should not miss once again.

Even though the earlier chapters approved by the National Convention contained a percentage military representation in the new national assemblies this can also be looked upon as a form of power sharing where differences can be settled on the floor of the assembly and prevent any military coups in the future.

With such positive attitudes in mind, and keeping the country’s interests above everything else the National Convention is certainly the place as well as the opportunity where further steps of the political transition can be taken together.

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